These theoretical models, taken together, describe a process of identity formation and integration as individuals strive for congruence among their sexual orientation (i.e., sexual attractions, thoughts, and fantasies), sexual behavior, and sexual identity.
Sexual identity development for GLB individuals, also known as the “coming-out process,” has received considerable attention, resulting in numerous theoretical models (e.g., Cass, 1979 Chapman & Brannock, 1987 Fassinger & Miller, 1996 Minton & McDonald, 1984 Morris, 1997 Rosario, Hunter, Maguen, Gwadz, & Smith, 2001 Troiden, 1989 see Eliason, 1996 for review). In this report, we examine consistency and change in GLB sexual identity, as well as the congruence between changes in identity and other aspects of sexuality (e.g., behavior, affect, and attitudes).
Indeed, the incongruence among gay identity and heterosexual behavior has been used to explain the eventual transition from heterosexual to homosexual behavior, so as to eliminate dissonance between identity and behavior ( Higgins, 2002). Similarly, identification as gay or lesbian may lead individuals to engage in sexual behaviors consistent with that identity. Thus, same-sex oriented affect and behavior may lead individuals to adopt an identity consistent with such sentiments and behavior (e.g, as gay or lesbian). However, psychological theory has long maintained that individuals seek to achieve congruence among affect, cognitions, and behaviors because incongruity generates psychological tension (e.g., Devos & Banaji, 2003 Eagly & Chaiken, 1993, 1998 Festinger, 1957 Fiske & Taylor, 1991 Harmon-Jones & Mills, 1999). Because sexual identity development is a process for which GLB individuals have been unprepared and which is contextually unsupported and stigmatized, it would seem that the process would be characterized by inconsistency or incongruence among its affective, cognitive, and behavioral components, such that behavior may not always coincide with affect and/or identity. Rather, GLB individuals are often raised in communities that are either ignorant of or openly hostile toward homosexuality. Unlike members of other minority groups (e.g., ethnic and racial minorities), most GLB individuals are not raised in a community of similar others from whom they learn about their identity and who reinforce and support that identity. The development of a gay, lesbian, or bisexual (GLB) sexual identity is a complex and often difficult process. The finding that youths who transited to a gay/lesbian identity differed from consistently gay/lesbian youths suggests that identity integration continues after the adoption of a gay/lesbian sexual identity. Contrary to the hypothesis that females are more sexually fluid than males, female youths were less likely to change identities than male youths.
Although youths who consistently identified as gay/lesbian did not differ from other youths on time since experiencing sexual developmental milestones, they reported current sexual orientation and sexual behaviors that were more same-sex centered and they scored higher on aspects of the identity integration process (e.g., more certain, comfortable, and accepting of their same-sex sexuality, more involved in gay-related social activities, more possessing of positive attitudes toward homosexuality, and more comfortable with others knowing about their sexuality) than youths who transited to a gay/lesbian identity and youths who consistently identified as bisexual. Fifty-seven percent of the youths remained consistently self-identified as gay/lesbian, 18% transited from bisexual to gay/lesbian, and 15% consistently identified as bisexual over time. A longitudinal report of 156 gay, lesbian, and bisexual youths examined changes in sexual identity over time.